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Labor unions and the AFL
AFL 1886 (Knights of Labor from 1869)· Idea or movement· Society: who gained, who lost
Well documentedSolid records, texts or physical evidence.
Workers organized nationally against long hours and low pay; the American Federation of Labor, founded 1886, became the lasting model.
See it on the Innovation & Wealth map →What happened
The Knights of Labor, founded 1869, admitted most workers, including women and Black workers, and peaked near 700,000 members in 1886 before declining after Chicago's Haymarket bombing. That December, Samuel Gompers helped found the AFL, a federation of skilled craft unions focused on 'pure and simple' goals: higher wages, shorter hours, the eight-hour day. Employers answered with blacklists, private guards and court injunctions. AFL membership reached about 2 million by 1914.
Impact on society and the economy
Unions raised pay and safety for members and pushed the eight-hour day into law. But the AFL largely excluded unskilled workers, many immigrants, women and Black workers.
How we know
Union records and convention proceedings, Gompers's papers and autobiography, strike reports, and membership statistics compiled by labor historians and the federal Bureau of Labor.
Still debated
Was the AFL's narrow craft strategy wise survival or a missed chance at a broad labor party, as in Europe? Historians still argue.
Inside this (2)
Connections (6)
▸Merchant and craft guilds are sometimes seen as forerunners of Labor unions and the AFLDebated
The connection
Medieval craft guilds regulated wages, training and quality within a trade, and AFL craft unions likewise organized skilled workers by trade and controlled apprenticeship. But guilds usually included masters, the employers, while unions organized wage earners against employers, so the resemblance is only partial.
When and how
European towns from about 1100 until guilds were abolished (France 1791, most German states by 1869); American craft unions from the 1790s, federated in the AFL in 1886.
How sure are we?
The trade-based structure and apprenticeship rules clearly resemble each other; a direct line of descent is unproven, since guilds had largely faded before modern unions arose.
Debates
Sidney and Beatrice Webb argued in 1894 that unions did not descend from guilds; others point to journeymen's clubs that bridged the two. The debate continues.
▸Marx, Engels and the critique of capitalism inspired parts of Labor unions and the AFLMostly agreed
The connection
Marx and Engels argued that workers must organize as a class against owners, and the First International (1864), which Marx helped lead, linked unions across countries. Many American union founders were immigrant socialists, and young Samuel Gompers studied Marx. But Gompers steered the AFL away from revolution toward bargaining over wages and hours within capitalism.
When and how
London, 1848 (the Communist Manifesto) and 1864 (the International Workingmen's Association); New York cigar shops of the 1870s, where Gompers met socialist immigrants.
How sure are we?
Gompers's autobiography describes studying Marx, and AFL convention debates between socialists and his faction are recorded. Influence on ordinary members is harder to measure.
Debates
Why American unions, unlike European ones, never built a major labor or socialist party remains one of labor history's central questions.
▸Robber barons and the great trusts were challenged by Labor unions and the AFLMostly agreed
The connection
Giant employers cut wages in downturns, imposed 12-hour shifts and fought organizing with blacklists, spies and private guards. Workers answered with national unions and strikes, including the 1877 railroad strike, the 1886 eight-hour movement and the 1894 Pullman boycott, seeking bargaining power to match consolidated capital.
When and how
United States, 1877–1914: railroads, steel mills, mines and factories; key unions included the Knights of Labor, the AFL and the American Railway Union.
How sure are we?
Strike records, court injunctions, company files and congressional investigations document these conflicts and the unions' growth.
Debates
Whether unions raised wages broadly or mainly for skilled members is debated, as is how much of the violence each side started.
▸Labor unions and the AFL were defeated at Homestead StrikeWell documented
The connection
The Amalgamated Association of Iron and Steel Workers, an AFL affiliate and one of the strongest craft unions, represented Homestead's skilled workers. Its 1892 defeat broke union power across the steel industry; the AFL could not help, and steel stayed mostly non-union until 1937.
When and how
Homestead, Pennsylvania, June–November 1892; the union had roughly 800 members at the plant, but most of its 3,800 workers backed the strike.
How we know
Amalgamated membership fell by more than half within a few years; labor newspapers and later studies document the collapse of steel unionism.
Debates
Could the union have won with better tactics or wider support? Some historians argue mechanized steelmaking doomed the skilled craft unions anyway.
▸Labor unions and the AFL won legal recognition through Wagner Act: legal right to unionizeWell documented
The connection
For decades unions had no legal right to recognition: employers fired organizers, hired armed guards and won court injunctions against strikes. A 1932 law curbed injunctions, and a 1933 promise of bargaining rights proved toothless. After huge 1934 strikes in Toledo, Minneapolis and San Francisco, unions and their allies won the Wagner Act's enforceable rights.
When and how
United States, 1932–1937; AFL president William Green, the CIO's John L. Lewis, Senator Robert Wagner, and the 1936–37 Flint sit-down strikers at General Motors.
How we know
Legislative records show union lobbying; membership rose from about 3 million in 1933 to over 14 million by 1945, mostly in newly organized industries.
Debates
Historians debate how much the law caused union growth versus worker militancy, CIO organizing and wartime labor shortages.
▸Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire galvanized Labor unions and the AFLMostly agreed
The connection
In the 1909–10 'Uprising of the 20,000,' New York shirtwaist workers struck for better pay and safer shops; Triangle's owners refused union terms. After the fire, the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union led mass mourning and protest, and more than 100,000 people joined the funeral march. Organizer Rose Schneiderman's speech demanded worker power, and garment unions grew.
When and how
New York City, 1909–1913; the ILGWU, the Women's Trade Union League, Clara Lemlich and Rose Schneiderman. The April 5, 1911 funeral procession drew huge crowds.
How sure are we?
Newspaper coverage, union records and published speeches document the protests; union membership records show the garment unions' growth in the following years.
Debates
The garment unions were already growing after the 1909–10 strikes; how much later growth came from the fire versus that earlier momentum is unclear.